Messrs. E.S. Bailey of Brookfield, A. Raymond of Eaton, and F. Rice of Cazenovia

PETERBORO, APRIL 10, 1846 Messrs. E.S. BAILEY of Brookfield, A. RAYMOND of Eaton, and F. RICE of Cazanovia: [col. 1] That the Liberty Party of Madison County is in ruins, is a fact not to be disguised. Its pre-eminently distinctive principles - I mean those, which forbid voting for proslavery men for civil office - have been trampled on, and dishonored, by a large share of its members. Scarcely had the Winter begun - most emphatically "the Winter of our discontent" - when it was found, that prominent abolitionists, all over the County, had forsaken these principles, and were openly proposing to vote for proslavery men for seats in the approaching State Convention. That the abandonment of our principles in one direction should be followed by their abandonment in another, is perfectly natural. Accordingly, when the Annual Town Meeting arrived, there were several towns, in which abolitionists were seen, in great numbers, voting for rank proslavery candidates. But, all that had occurred, had not prepared me to expect, that a grave proposition would be made, in our nominating County Convention, to choose for our candidates proslavery, instead of antislavery, men. That convention was held yesterday. That astounding and humiliating proposition was made in it. I was filled with surprise, shame, and sorrow. I have adverted to but few of the facts, which justify me in saying, that the Liberty Party of this County is ruined. That such should be the fate of a party, which it has cost so much honest toil to gather, and for the prosperity and usefulness of which so much fervent prayer has been offered, is, indeed, sad. To no heart it is no more sad than to my own; - for no heart did that party have a stronger hold. I admit, however, that there is no little consolation in the thought, that they, who have ruined our party, have not done so, designedly or selfishly. The wrong they have done was done in their eagerness to gain for their colored brethren the right of suffrage. Benevolent intentions, to which so much should be pardoned, are to be credited to our caring brethren. It is also consoling to remember the great good, which our party has done, during the short period of its existence. As an instance of this great good, I would remark, that, in this County, all the candidates for the Convention are in favor of restoring to the colored man the right of suffrage. It was but a merited compliment, which the Honorable Mr. Barlow rendered to her, when he said in the Senate, that no citizen of the County of Madison opposed to this restoration could be elected to that Convention. The Whig and Democratic Parties of this County, as well as its Liberty Party, are in favor of doing this justice to the colored man. And where is there a County in the State, in which the Whig and Democratic Parties would not be in favor of it, were it blessed, as our County has been, with a Liberty Party, which, by night and by day, year in and year out, in the house and by the way, has earnestly preached, and faithfully exemplified, the doctrines of human rights? In a large share of the Counties of the State, the people are not yet to be persuaded of the duty of universal suffrage. But the earnest and working abolitionists of the County of Madison, had, long ago, persuaded their neighbors of the duty: and I have not a doubt, that had the Liberty Party of this County maintained its existence, and abode in its strength, and continued to ply the public mind with its principles, instead of flinging them away, the year 1848 would witness the impossibility of again dragging up our Whig and Democratic neighbors to vote for traffickers in human flesh. But that party has no longer the power of working either this, or any other, beneficent change. In flinging away its principles, it has flung away its power for good. It has chopped off its own hands and feet. It lies a monument of suicidal madness and folly, exposed to the jeers and scorn of every passer-by. I wish not to be understood, as saying, that the Liberty Party of this County is nominally, as well as, really, dead. "Thou hast a name, that thou livest, and art dead." It may, and probably will, cast last Fall - say eight or nine hundred. But, its vote, however numerous, will be without power; - for the mighty principles, which its vote formerly represented, it has now itself disowned and thrown away. I would not undervalue the right of suffrage. To strip our colored brother of it was a mean and cruel wrong. But how strange, that wise and good men should have suffered themselves to be so inflamed by a sense of this wrong, as not to consider, that, in the ways, in which they were seeking to rectify it, they were trampling under foot their own admitted and deeply cherished principles! The Civil Governments of this land, being the instruments of the most terrible and wicked oppression, the Liberty Party was organized to reform their character, by getting them out of the hands of slaveholders and their allies. Alas, that, in the face of this fact, hundreds and hundreds of Liberty men in this County should virtually indorse the doctrine, that the hands of slaveholders are fit for this sacred trust! Alas, that Liberty men should virtually say, that Civil Government, given by God to take care of the poor and ignorant and weak, may properly be left to be molded and administered by those, who buy and sell, and rob and torture, and murder, such helpless ones! Have I brought an unjust charge against my brethren? I have not. When these brethren say, that they are fit to mold Civil Government. who think that slaveholders are, do they not virtually say, that slaveholders are? Had Mr. Stebbins of the Democratic ticket and Mr. Williams of the Whig ticket such wrong views of Civil Government, as to believe, that horse-thieves and sheep-thieves are fit to mold it, would not they, who employ Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams to mold it, virtually say that horse-thieves and sheep-thieves are themselves fit for such a service? But Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams actually have such wrong views of Civil Government, as to believe, that men-thieves are fit to mold it: - and, hence, to employ Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams to mold it, is to admit, that men-thieves are themselves fit to mold it. Here, then, we have a supposed and an actual case. In the supposed case, every decent man would shrink, instantly, from voting for Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams. But, in the actual, thousands of respectable men are eager to vote for them. Whence this difference? It is, that, in the public mind, man-stealing is a small offence, compared with horse-stealing and sheep-stealing. But, this does not explain the fact, that abolitionists are found among these respectable men - that abolitionists also are found willing to vote for Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams; for abolitionists all see, that the crime of man-stealing is infinitely greater than that of horse-stealing or sheep-stealing. Why, then, are any abolitionists willing to vote for them? It is, because such abolitionists, instead of resisting it, accommodate themselves and their votes to a pro-slavery public sentiment. It is, because such abolitionists, consent to measure Mr. Stebbins' and Mr. Williams' claims to their neighbors' votes by popular standard, rather than the standard of truth. Now, just at this the popular standard, rather than the standard of truth. Now, just at this point, comes up the great and trying question, whether abolitionists should act according to the light, which is in themselves, or according to the darkness, which is in others; - whether they should act in that light with which God has mercifully illuminated their minds on the subject of slavery, or turn from that light to act in the darkness, which, on this subject, still envelops the minds of anti abolitionists; - whether, in a word, they should labor, honestly, intrepid- [col. 2] ly and perserveringly, to bring up a false and debased public opinion to the table-land of truth, or themselves go down to dwell in the low, miry, regions of that public opinion. Having used the names of Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams, I will continue to use them - not, however, without cheerfully admitting, that they are conscientious, intelligent, widely and deeply respected, gentlemen. But, notwithstanding all their claims to the public esteem, they would sink to the lowest depths of it, were they to become the advocates and allies of horse-thieves and sheep-thieves; and were they to vote such wretches into responsible and honorable offices. They are, however, the allies and advocates of men-thieves; and they vote these meanest of all pirates (other pirates do not steal babies) into the highest offices; - and they are all this, and they do all this, without suffering the loss of reputation. Now, the public opinion, which permits them to be all this, and to do all this, undisgraced, it is the business of abolitionists to enlighten and rectify. But, surely, they cannot be doing this business, when they are voting for Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams, or for other proslavery voters. And, surely, they cannot flatter themselves, that, whilst they so vote, they are contributing to convince Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams and other proslavery voters of their error; or are contributing to get Civil Government out of the hands of slaveholders; or are contributing to effect the peaceful abolition of slavery. I am willing to refer to Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams themselves the question of the consistency of those abolitionists, who propose to vote for them. These clear-sighted gentlemen will tell such abolitionists, that persons, who regard slaveholding in the light in which abolitionists regard it, are as much bound to labor to make voting for slaveholders and for those who vote for slaveholders, disgraceful and infamous, as they are to stigmatize voting for horse-thieves and sheep-thieves and for those, who vote for them. Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams will tell such abolitionists, that all this talking and writing show, that abolitionists can consistently vote for those, who vote for slaveholders, is, however sincere, utterly unsound, and empty. They will tell them, that abolitionists, to be consistent, must seek to curtail - never to extend - the influence and power of proslavery voters. How shockingly inconsistent is the abolitionist, when he votes power and influence into the hands of Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams, or any other person, who thinks men-thieves fit to mold or administer Civil Government! How could he more vitally stab the cause of the slave? - or more effectually make shipwreck of his antislavery character and antislavery influence? I would add to what I have just said, that, if abolitionists would secure to themselves the future respect and thanks of even Mr. Stebbins or Mr. Williams, they must stand by their principles and refuse to vote for these gentlemen. It will soon be twenty years, since a kind of Providence led me to argue against intoxicating drinks. Very probably, Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams, in common with the great mass of their fellow citizens, regarded me at that time, as wild, not to say fanatical, or even insane, for an attempt, so contrary to public opinion. Now, however, that public opinion is changed: and I doubt not, that both Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams are thankful, that I acted, on the subject of temperance, in my own light, and not in their darkness. Mr. Stebbins and Mr. Williams may yet come to believe with me, that "slavery is the sum of all villanies;" and that their idolized Polks and Clays and other slaveholders are the greatest enemies and scourges of the human family; and that nothing is more absurd and murderous than to put Civil Government into the hands of such pirates and monsters. Should these respectable gentlemen undergo this desirable change, they will again feel themselves to be my debtors. They will thank me, that on the subject of slavery also, I acted in my own light rather than their darkness. I said, that the Liberty Party of the County is in ruins. I did not add, that it is irretrievably ruined. I did not - because I believe that it is not too late for it to live again. Let those members of it, who have ruined it, but retrace the step, by which they have ruined it; and the Liberty Party of this County is, at once, itself again. The gentlemen, to whom I have addressed this letter, are prominent amongst the hundreds, who, in their zeal to do great good, have done this great harm. Will not these gentlemen, therefore, take the lead in the work of retrieving and re-collecting our broken and scattered party? If they will, and will take it now, that Party will not only cast its full vote at the approaching Election; but will be stronger, more influential, and useful, than ever. Let our brethren, who, without intending to do so, have turned their backs on the vital principles of the Liberty Party, now reindorse them; and those principles will, from such new and cumulative evidence of their truthfulness, have new and increased power upon the public conscience. Gentlemen! will you take the lead in reindorsing them? I know, that it requires magnanimity to confess an error. But, I do not mistake you, when I say, that, if convinced of your error, you will delay not to confess it, and to repair the injury it has done. I trust, gentlemen, that you are convinced of your error; and that you are prepared to proclaim on the very house-tops, that slaveholders, as well as other robbers and pirates, have nothing to do with Civil Government but to feel its most rigorous punishments; and that they, who think, that they have - who think them worthy of Civil honors, instead of Civil punishments - of the supreme magistracy, instead of the State-prison - do, therein, give full proof of their total misapprehension of the merciful design and sacred character of Civil Government, and of their total unfitness to have a part, either in administering or molding it. I am aware, gentlemen, that such language, as I have just used, shocks the public sentiment. I would, that you were willing to help me shock it to the lowest depths of its corruptions. I trust, that you are willing. I trust, that you are willing to spend the coming fortnight in publishing, all over the County, the important truth, that it is a deep insult toward Civil Government; an utter denial of Republicanism; and a guilty treason toward God and His enslaved poor; to vote, be it under whatsoever temptations, for slaveholders, or for those, who vote for them. Do your duty, gentlemen - and the Liberty Party of this County will not only live again; but will renew, with brighter prospects of success than ever, its work of mercy and usefulness. Do your duty - and more than twelve hundred men of your own County will join you at the ballot-boxes, on the 28th day of April, in your effort to rescue Civil Government from the clutches of slaveholders and other proslavery men - to restore it to its original and Heaven-stamped character - and to make it the friend of the poor, and the deliverer of the oppressed. Do your duty - and loved and honored as you have been by the Liberty Party of the County of Madison, you will be still more loved and honored by it. Do your duty, gentlemen, and the slave will bless you, and the God of the slave will reward you. Very respectfully, your friend, GERRIT SMITH.